John Tong in China: Confusion and Choices in 1644

Wang Meijue

Abstract: John Tong is the most famous missionary to China after Matteo Ricci, and the two are known as the "two heroes of the Jesuit Society". In 1644, on the occasion of the Ming and Qing dynasties, John Tang resolutely stayed in Beijing to witness and experience this special historical moment. In the whirlpool of great changes, how should John Tong, who was an "outsider," deal with himself? It is no secret that the problems highlighted under the changes such as "Jesuit missionary methods" and "assuming official posts in the Qing Dynasty" were not only the confusion and choice of John Tang himself, but also the confusion and choice of the Jesuits in China at that time.

Keywords: Tang Ruowang, Ming and Qing dynasties, confusion and choice

John Tong, whose real name was John Adam · Shar · Seal · Johann Adam Schall von Bell, Germans (1)[1]98. In 1611 he joined the Society of Jesus and five years later petitioned to come to China as a missionary. After several years of twists and turns, he successfully infiltrated Chinese mainland in the second year of Tomorrow Qi (1622). At this time, under the influence of the "Nanjing Case" (2), the Jesuits' career in China turned to a low point. Missionaries were forced to go out of the safe havens created by pioneers such as Matteo Ricci, to hide, to capture, or to deport. However, John Tong was not afraid of this, and as soon as he entered Beijing, he immediately threw himself into his great cause of spreading the gospel of God.

In view of John Tang's experience in China, the academic research has been fruitful. Among them, foreign countries started earlier, and mainly the writings of missionaries. With the help of "first-class historical materials" ——— "more than 2,000 letters, writings, and handwritten manuscripts"[1], Father Witt completed the first account of John Tong's life; In his book From Matteo Ricci to John Tong——— Jesuit Missionaries of the Late Ming Dynasty"[2], John Tang is regarded as a "giant" who communicated the two civilizations of the East and the West, and spoke highly of his contribution in China. Domestically, the works related to the history of the Ming and Qing dynasties and Sino-foreign exchanges all mention John Tang. In particular, Li Lanqin's "Biography of John Tang"[3] became the first biography of John Tang by Chinese; Mr. Chen Yuan's article "Tang Ruowang and Mu Chenxi"[4] clarifies the "rise and fall of the power of Catholicism and Buddhism at that time"[4]484 in the Shunzhi Dynasty. In addition, articles such as "Jesuit John Tong in Huaen Rong Examination" [5] and "The Contest between Traditional Chinese Culture and Western Culture——— The Dispute between Yang Guangxian and John Tong" [6] also pay attention to John Tong's activities in China from different perspectives.

However, most of the previous discussions have placed the research horizon at both ends, that is, focusing on his contribution to the Chongzhen Dynasty and his gains and losses in the Shunzhi period, and the academic community has not paid enough attention to the thoughts and actions of Tang Ruowang during the Ming and Qing dynasties ——— the "Junction". In 1644, with the fall of the Zhu Ming Dynasty, the collapse of the Dashun regime, and the southward march of the Manchu Iron Cavalry, the city of Beijing became the center of the competition between all parties. At this time, John Tang was trapped in the capital division in the chaos of war. What kind of "confusion" did he face, and what kind of "choice" did he have? This article is not shallow, I am willing to give it a try.

Confusion and choice about the "Jesuit missionary method".

He (John Tong) had already decided in his heart that he would give up the work of almanacs and calculus in the future and devote himself to missionary affairs. But now, when he saw this miraculous deed, he changed his purpose. [1] 218-219 This is an account of John Tong in 1644, which appears in the biography written by Father Weit. Judging from the existing domestic and foreign historical sources, this is the first time that John Tong explicitly "self-denies" the work of dealing with the painstaking calendar, and it is also the first time that he has "doubted the Jesuits' strategy of using craftsmen and crafts to preach"[7]19.

And this way of proselytizing is the masterpiece of Matteo Ricci. He geniusly inherited the strategy of "acculturation" described by Father Van Li'en (3)[8]20——— "an approach quite different from what we have so far found in other countries"[2]3. Matteo Ricci embarked on a very unique Jesuit missionary path: respecting Chinese culture and customs, "quietly infiltrating and adapting to culture"[2]71; Ethical Philosophy and Natural Sciences First; Make friends with intellectuals and build a network of upper-class friends throughout the country...... Ritchie's approach is roundabout and mild, but it is "an outstanding and genius correct judgment of China's realities"[2]14. It was a great success——— missionaries led by Matteo Ricci roamed among the upper echelons of Chinese intellectuals; Some of the traditional scholars began to fall for Western science; The Wanli Emperor was also interested in the chiming bells and Western musical instruments offered by Ritchie...... Thanks to this, the Jesuits in China gradually came out of the gloom, and their faith finally had a place.

The curious encounter between the Jesuits and the Chinese calendar seems to have reaffirmed the correctness of Ritchie's missionary approach. In China, ruled by feudal dynasties, the source of the calendar can not only be traced back to the period of the "Five Emperors" (4)[9]1256, but also because of its effect of "the Ming Dynasty is positive, then the yin and yang tones, the wind and rain festivals, the thick air is to, and the people are free from the epidemic"[9]1257-1258, which is believed in by the Chinese people and passed on from generation to generation, and the rulers of the dynasty, in order to "push the Tianyuan and inherit the will"[9]1256, have become the "guardians" of the traditional calendar. In addition, most of the Western missionaries (such as Xiong Sanba and Deng Yuhan) were erudite and proficient in mathematics, astronomy and other natural sciences. Under the impetus of Xu Guangqi and other scholars, Emperor Chongzhen began to use Westerners to repair the calendar. With the help of the calendar, the Jesuits established an intimate relationship with those in power.

As early as Europe, when John Tong heard that "the science of mathematical astronomy can gain such a high value in China"[1]42, he became even more determined to come to China as a missionary, because "these scientific studies were not troublesome to him"[1]42. As a matter of fact, John Tong demonstrated his astonishing talent in the Far East, not only providing astronomical instruments one after another, but also winning a contest of astronomical calculations with Chinese officials[10]10019. His missionary status was gradually overshadowed by the brilliance of his new role as "Master of Science." In this regard, Vice President Fu Fanji praised "the situation of the Mission Society today...... In particular, he owes his kind of work"[1]198. At this time, John Tong felt "confused" for the first time——— what was the importance of "revising" the secular regime in order to curry favor with his "missionary" duties, and should he continue to adhere to the Ritchie missionary method?

From the writings of Father Wehrt, we find that John Tong's decision was due to his experience during the Ming and Qing dynasties. He refused the kindness of Fu Fanji and Long Huamin, insisted on staying in Beijing, and witnessed the turmoil of 1644——— "He (Emperor Chongzhen) removed the boot armor from his legs and feet, removed the crown from his head, and hanged himself on a beam in a pavilion...... On April 25, the day after Nancheng was betrayed by the eunuchs, there was a large group of Li thieves, numbering nearly 300,000...... Invasion of the North City"[1]207-209. The authentic text tells the tragedy of the Ming Dynasty's "state will not be a country", and at the same time reflects the inner collapse of John Tang, who believes that "the fall of the Ming Dynasty is God's warning to him"[7]19 ——— the "non-religious nature" of the Ritchie missionary method seems to have caused too much anger (5). John Tong saw up close ——— the collapse of the dynastic power on which he had always relied and the displacement of scholars, and the return of the missionary cause to the "original point".

However, this decision was soon abandoned, because John Tang personally experienced a "miraculous deed"——— under the order of Li Zicheng, the desperate peasant army carried out the final sweep and burning of the capital, and John Tang's residence was not spared. "There are two rooms in the room that are used to store the wooden boards of the printed books. One side room burned to the ground, as if he had been cut with a knife. The flames had fallen on the dry plank, but not a word had been burned"[1]218-219. The wooden planks used for the "calendar" miraculously escaped, which made him feel very strongly the protection and warning from God——— "I really can't help but think: the flammable thing is safe and sound, and this vision must be a good omen." ”[7]19

In May, "Prince Rui Dolgon Dingjingshi"[10]10019. Soon after, the Inner Court of the Qing Dynasty issued an order: "All Han residents in Beicheng must move out within three days"[1]220. When John Tong heard this, he made a bold choice——— he re-approved of Ritchie's missionary strategy, and bravely walked out of his house to "lose his sincerity" to the powerful Manchurians. He begged in the message: "The minister sailed 80,000 miles from the Atlantic Ocean to Beijing...... So far, he has lived in Beijing for more than 20 years. In the second year of Chongzhen, due to the falsification of the old calendar, the government calendar was revised by the previous dynasty...... He is the author of more than 140 volumes of almanacs...... Nianchen lived in the middle of the city under the Xuanwu Gate, and the houses were half burned by thieves, and only the two churches of God and Our Lady and the huts were left...... And the icons offered in the hall are large, and the West has brought more than 3,000 scriptures...... As for the translation, the almanac has been engraved and repaired, and several shelves are filled, and I am afraid that if I move it suddenly, many ...... will be lost"[11]3. Soon after the Manchurians settled on the throne, "eager to prove the return of the Mandate of Heaven and continue the Ming Dynasty"[7]19, the bargaining chips handed by Tang Ruowang —————— the experience of improving the calendar of the previous dynasty and the "Chongzhen Almanac", a result that had not yet had time to be implemented, and accepted it gladly. On the second day, John Tong "sent an edict from the regent to the front of the main hall"[11]4.

John Tong, the church, and even his faith and science have miraculously survived.

The confusion and choice of "taking up the official position of the Qing Dynasty".

In order to win the favor and protection of the new regime, John Tong had to temporarily put aside his teaching affairs and began to carry out a large and heavy secular work. From the first year of Shunzhi (1644) about Tang's recitals and texts, it can be seen that he was "busy", and in view of ——— fact that he "promoted the virtuous for the country, and there was no legacy of Feng Fei"[11]4, he clarified the personnel and even complicated affairs of the previous dynasties for the new dynasty; Sensing that the instruments used in the old days had been destroyed, he made and presented "an armillary planet, a sundial on the earth's horizons, and a telescope" for the new dynasty.[11]9 In order to compete with the Great Unification and the Second Calendar, he presented the first day of the eighth month, "the time of the eclipse of the Beijing Division, and the number of different degrees and the number of eclipses in the provinces"[11]6, and won the praise of "Perfect Heaven"[11]17 in the competition; In order to become a new dynasty, he repeatedly deleted and changed the reputation of "admiring the way of heaven and honoring people"[11]17, and finally became the "Shixian Calendar...... As Mr. Huang Zhengqian put it, John Tong "spent all his energy on the study of science and astronomy"[12]137.

Thanks to John Tong's efforts, the Jesuits not only gained a place in the Qing Dynasty, but also grew in prestige as their grace deepened. Father Gabiani once said: "Every missionary of this or other Order, as long as he or she states that he is a comrade of Shar (John Tong), is free to enter China, is respected by the members of the royal family and the people, and is allowed to preach freely." [13]111 However, the highly praised John Tong was brought to a new "perplexity."

This is due to a holy decree on November 26 of the first year of Shunzhi (1644), "Qin Tianjian sealed the letter to Tang Ruowang to be in charge." The subordinate officials of the prison shall listen to the official of the palm seal for all subsequent matters, such as the entry history, the occupancy, and the selection"[14]. In the Ming Dynasty, the rulers did not entrust the missionaries with official positions, but only paid homage to them with royal plaques (6) and wine and meals, which made the Jesuits the best of both worlds in the "canon" (Jesuits were not allowed to hold official positions) and "secular". Now, the Qing Emperor has appointed the "outsider" John Tang as the supervisor of Qintian ——— more direct way, showing his respect for him, and it also means that the Jesuits will add "honor". John Tong was pushed into an embarrassing situation——— on the one hand, there was an olive branch that had never been before, and on the other hand, there were Catholic rules that could not be trampled on.

It is not difficult to see from John Tang's successive recitals that he wants to reject the kindness of the Qing Dynasty. "Chen Si learned the Tao from his young resignation, swore to refuse to marry, and never had the reason to serve the official. The ministers obey the will of the governor and lead the office, and it is not difficult to manage the calendar. As for being in charge of the seal, how dare the minister be. Emperor Fu begged to take back his order, don't choose meritocracy to manage, the service period is competent, and there is light in the ceremony, and there is no ancient history. [11]38 Tang's "vow to renounce the eunuch marriage" and take a step back to say that "there is no difficulty in cooking the calendar" did not convince the Qing Emperor, and what he was waiting for was an undeniable decree: "John Tang is not allowed to resign if he obeys the decree"[11]39. Four days later, John Tang fearlessly went up again, and bluntly said, "The ministers quit their families to learn the Tao, and they swear to be honorable." The mission came from the east, and the ambition was not dry. If it is not appropriate to avoid the glory of the person and the official seal of the Yamen"[11]40, and put forward a compromise strategy, that is, "please give the minister Governor Li Qintianjian Guan Fang, or the Retro Taishi Yuan Edict, for the time being." and the letter of the superintendent shall be handed over to the ministry for storage"[11]40. He tried to replace the formal "Qintianjian Seal Letter" with the informal "Governor of the Qintianjian Guanfang" or "Edict", so as to seek a balance between the teaching and the laity, so that "the responsibility of governing the calendar and the aspiration of learning the Tao can go hand in hand but not contradict each other"[11]40. However, this effort was in vain. The Qing Emperor issued another decree, in addition to ordering him to "refine the calendar and rectify the supervision rules"[11]40, but also explicitly stated that "there is no need to give another seal"[11]40. John Tong's plan fell through again.

John Tong's resolute refusal caused an uproar within the Jesuits. President Fu Fanji sent several letters to persuade John Tong to "accept this official position, and with all the obligations and titles of this official position, there is no need to refuse it in any other way"[1]239. He feared that "the people's resignation to John Tong would be misinterpreted as an expression of loyalty to the old dynasty"[1]239. In the context of the death of the Ming Dynasty and the revival of the Qing Dynasty, Fu Fanji's worries are not unreasonable. Guided by Ritchie's missionary style, it was clear that he was well aware of the importance of courting those in power. Not long ago, when he heard the "defense voice" coming from Europe——— "If our people set up this kind of bait to attract fish, don't make a fuss...... They would not take the medicine that saved the soul without first being coated with such a sugar"[15]298, and he still insisted on the science that had been ridiculed as "bait" and "sugar-coated", and tried it as long as it was beneficial to the missionary cause. But the current situation is that the Qing Dynasty needs John Tang and needs his scientific knowledge, but John Tang has repeatedly rejected the favor of the Manchurians. Many Jesuits in China, including Fu Fanji, feared that Tang's move would cause a "fermentation" of discontent with the new dynasty and once again drag the already successful missionary cause into danger.

Under the dual pressure of the Qing Dynasty and the Jesuit Society, John Tong made the final choice ——— to become a secular official. On December 20 of the first year of Shunzhi (1644), the title of the Tang family was no longer the former "Tang Ruowang", but "Tang Ruowang, the minister of the administrative calendar"[11]41, the difference in numbers but the meaning was very different. In this way, John Tong "turned his back on his own will and became an official of the Chinese court"[1]240. On this road led by "science", John Tong is undoubtedly the best and farthest Jesuit. The identity of "Qintian Prison Supervisor" pushed his reputation as a "master of science" to the extreme, bringing him to the pinnacle of glory.

epilogue

Ever since Matteo Ricci chose a missionary path in China that seemed unthinkable to the Jesuit headquarters, the old-fashioned clergy with the same background wondered why "why did the Jesuits in China in the 17th century spend a large part of their lives working as astronomers, engineers, clockmakers, and artists, instead of devoting all their energies to the unobtrusive task of baptizing infants and praying for the dying?" [2] 108-109 Why did they have such a great deviation in China, ——— their belief that "the sole purpose of missionary work is to 'make Catholics,' and that this is achieved only by the preaching of the Gospel"[2]108?

In China, Ritchie discovered the absolute power of the feudal regime, and the strategy he proposed was undoubtedly the most appropriate of all missionary methods. Along this path, however, the Jesuits in China have always suffered the great pain of the imbalance between the "goal" (mission) and the "means" (science), which should be in harmony, but have long been misplaced in practice. The much-criticized "inaction" of the Jesuits in China stems from their inability to control their own will. In order to seek the dream of converting all people, including the emperor, to Catholicism, they did not hesitate to become "craftsmen" of the feudal dynasty. But the reality is that those in power only look at their scientific talents, nothing more. As for their beliefs, "by the beginning of the nineteenth century, Western religion was nothing more than a mottled memory. [7] [34] When the missionaries magnified with joy, and even misjudged the intentions of the rulers, believing that their dedication would be rewarded for the fruits of their faith, there was only one result——— and that was that they drifted further and further away from this wishful thinking. The missionaries' "active overtures" and the dynasty's "deliberate actions" concealed such a big "deviation" under the superficial "convergence" of the two sides.

When this inevitable "deviation" encounters occasional changes in the current situation, such as the Ming and Qing dynasties in 1644, it will quickly break free from the control of both sides, and appear and be reflected in the missionaries. Obviously, there is no need for more condemnation, and the Jesuits in China are bound to begin to reflect on it. John Tong's first confusion is the best example. The crumbling dynasty, the burning and looting of bandits, and the displacement of the people made him suspicious of the established mode of mission, and he first resolutely abandoned it, and then reversed it.

As for John Tong's confusion again, it was undoubtedly an accident under the "convergence" of the missionary and the dynasty. The Qing Emperor appreciated his talents, hoped to use them for his own use, and gave back to him by ——— official title in the highest form of the empire, but this time there was a serious friction with the Jesuit rules, and John Tang was confused. He desperately refused but couldn't, and had no choice but to accept it. This also directly led to the fission of John Tang's dual identity, "John Tang, a servant of God, was snubbed by John Tang, who was the chief eunuch of Qintian in China"[7]25. Mr. Chen Yuan also thinks so, "the one given by the government is John Tong, and the non-Jesuit priest John Tang is also"[4]503. At this time, he could not have imagined that this choice would bring him endless abuse and harsh criticism in the years that followed, let alone that he would repent before he died: "I repeat again and again, forever and permanently, that as long as my clumped tongue can speak, I will always confess that it is because of my sins, because of my sins, because of my great sins, that I have brought such a great persecution to the church, which has caused everyone to suffer." ”[1]512

In 2 "confusions" and 4 "choices", John Tong also went through the most difficult year of his life in 1644.

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