(This article is based on Mr. Sima Nan's video program, and the content has been deleted)
Foreword
"Motherland" Magazine is a state institution approved and registered by the Central Organization Establishment Committee, and is a large-scale comprehensive journal of current affairs and finance approved by the General Administration of Press and Publication of the People's Republic of China for public distribution at home and abroad. The magazine "Motherland" vigorously promotes the spirit of "patriotism and serving the country", holds high the banner of patriotism, and forms content advantages in current politics and economy, revolutionary history, traditional culture, military and national defense, etc.
This is an interview transcript. Comrade Yang Chen, member of the editorial board and editor-in-chief of the magazine "Motherland", conducted an interview on some topics on the 130th anniversary of Chairman Mao's birth.
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Yang Chen: Today, we would like to discuss the topic of the 130th anniversary of Chairman Mao's birth with Mr. Sima Nan. December 26 this year marks the 130th anniversary of the birth of the great leader Chairman Mao. On the occasion of such an important and special day, I would like to ask Mr. Sima Nan to talk about his inner memory of the chairman.
Sima Nan: This is not only a major day, but also a sensitive node. There is a rule in our party called a small celebration in five years and a big celebration in ten years. The 130th anniversary is a big day. At present, some forces at home and abroad are trying their best to swell China's economy, and at this time it involves a very acute issue, and Chairman Mao has left us this little bit of family foundation -- the basic socialist economic system with public ownership as the mainstay and the common development of various ownership systems. However, some people have made it bad, spreading rumors and smearing that the state-owned economy should be abolished. Some people say even more explicitly, the propaganda emphasizes that the market economy is the private economy, and the private economy should be the main body, but they have put up the banner of private enterprises, and the propaganda should take the private economy as the main body and the state-owned economy as a supplement, and they even chant "privatization of the right way in the world."
At this time, we should ponder: After Chairman Mao established New China, should we still uphold some of our country's basic systems and constitutional principles? Could it be that when we encounter a hurdle, we will overthrow all these things?
The reason why we commemorate Chairman Mao is not only to cherish the memory of Chairman Mao's tremendous contributions to China's revolution and construction during the period of the new democratic revolution, but also not only to cherish the great contributions made by Chairman Mao when he led us to carry out socialist practice before and after the founding of the People's Republic of China.
Today, the focus seems to be on whether the things that Chairman Mao left us have eternal value. Including some words such as seeking truth from facts, the mass line, and independence and self-determination, are they the common language within our party, and should we still follow them?
With these big questions in front of us, we can't help but think deeply.
According to Comrade Deng Xiaoping's original words, the Chinese revolution will remain in the dark for a long time, and without Chairman Mao, there would be no new China.
Therefore, Chairman Mao's historical achievements, his contributions to the Chinese revolution, and his achievements in building the party, the army, and the country cannot be subverted by anyone. Even reactionary politicians abroad almost admit this. But we have a class of people in China who seem to be very strange creatures, and the common people call them public knowledge, and they don't recognize it, and they have been committed to slandering Chairman Mao for decades, all the time. So many years after the death of the President, they have persistently denigrated the President, but what they have done has not done what they wanted to do.
The Chinese people's thoughts of Chairman Mao are higher and higher. With the death of the President, the longer he has been away from us, the stronger this feeling of longing becomes.
I have a friend who is a private entrepreneur and also serves as the party secretary of several enterprises, and he passed away not long ago. He is a red entrepreneur who has made a lot of achievements, and he has used Chairman Mao's ideas many times to guide the construction of enterprises under the conditions of market economy.
I have been to the United States with him, and I have also been to Shaoshan. When we went to Shaoshan, we were to donate money and materials. It was a cold December day, and we donated electric heating products to make the houses of nursing homes and elementary schools warm.
I still remember that the time I went to Shaoshan was around December 26th. Many people in Shaoshan were crying bitterly, and I was deeply touched by the scene of them throwing themselves on the ground and crying. It's not an ego emotion, it's not the same as the worship of Western gods. What Chairman Mao did, from a general moral point of view, was to let the lowly, the poor, and those who had no status, no identity, and were looked down upon by others gain equal power. In the practice of socialism under the guidance of Chairman Mao's ideas and thoughts, they have found dignity, seen the light, and experienced warmth. The inequality between people has been dramatically changed under the conditions of socialism.
British General Montgomery made a remark during his visit to China. From this point of view, perhaps we can understand why the people of Shaoshan miss Chairman Mao so much.
Montgomery once said that over the course of a few decades, Mao Zedong built China into a country where everyone has a goal and the whole country has a lofty sense of purpose.
I think that the nostalgia of the presidency is not a personal matter, but a benign pursuit of fairness and justice. In the words of Western scholars, it is the common good. The common good benefits all, and he transformed the exploiters and oppressors of the old era into newcomers to the socialist system, and the puppet emperors into socialist laborers.
The common good is to benefit everyone, and socialism is the doctrine that benefits the vast majority of people.
Chairman Mao represents fairness and justice, Chairman Mao represents the direction of historical progress, and represents the interests of the vast majority of the people, so it is natural for the people to miss him.
Some people don't miss Chairman Mao, because they have the idea of being a master, because they call themselves elites, and they think that they are born to bully others, and they are born with fine clothes and food, and live a different life from others. They are especially afraid that they will be confused with the common people. When they recalled Chairman Mao, they recalled that Chairman Mao told them to properly participate in some manual labor, told them to mingle with the common people, and told them to sit on the side of the working people. They think that Chairman Mao's words have humiliated them, and they think that they have fought the world with the chairman, and even suffered hardships, so they cannot be mixed with ordinary people.
Chairman Mao did not treat them badly back then, and their curses and insults against Chairman Mao over the years not only did not damage Chairman Mao's great image, but allowed everyone to witness their narrow hearts. Their idea of being a superior man is incompatible with Chairman Mao's concept of serving the people.
Although some people still insist on smearing Chairman Mao, the people's love for Chairman Mao is as endless as a river.
When my mother was in the old society, she didn't read a single day. After liberation, she became literate and learned to read newspapers. My father used to be a miner, fighting devils during the Anti-Japanese War, he joined the Anti-Japanese Allied Army, later worked under the command of Han Xianchu, and then transferred from the Anti-Japanese Allied Army to the Chinese People's Liberation Army.
I think our love for Chairman Mao has something to do with his family background, and it also has something to do with our fixed understanding of the direction of development of Chinese society and the formation of our consciously accepted educational thoughts.
Remembering Chairman Mao is our sincere wish, and remembering Chairman Mao is also an irreversible historical trend, and Chairman Mao's ideological value still has long-term vitality today. It is difficult for anyone to compare with Chairman Mao. I think that those who slander Chairman Mao and those who try to show their own unique tastes will have a very difficult goal to achieve.
Responsible editor|Hu Yan Wang Debo
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