Some netizens believe that to this day, South Korea is still demanding compensation from Japan for a series of evils committed during World War II, why doesn't China do this? As a victorious power, where did Japan's compensation to the mainland go?
The direct entanglement between China and Japan should begin after the Opium War. Among the national humiliations that have been unforgettable to the Chinese people, the Qing government's compensation to Japan that occurred after the "Sino-Japanese Naval Battle" is the most sobering.
With the defeat of the Beiyang Fleet and the many chips gained on the battlefield, the Japanese militarist government pressed forward step by step, forcing the Qing government to sign a series of unequal treaties.
According to the Treaty of Maguan, China not only ceded land, but also paid Japan more than 200 million taels of silver, which made the Qing government, which was already unable to make ends meet, and was embarrassed.
And all the crises and oppressions eventually shifted to the Chinese people. It was the Qing government that agreed to pay compensation, and it was the Japanese who benefited from it, but the Chinese people paid for these inequalities.
The demise of the Qing government did not mean the end of unreasonable demands such as "Gengzi Reparations" and "Maguan Treaty", and on the eve of Japan's defeat in the war (1945), the corresponding compensation was still in progress, until Chairman Mao shouted "Clean up the house and then invite guests", everything came to an abrupt end.
Statistics found that from the overthrow of the Qing Dynasty to 1949, some pro-Japanese elements still fulfilled the contract, compensating a total of nearly 99% of the wealth of Gengzi to the Japanese (data source "Analysis of the Division of State Finance and Local Finance at the End of the Qing Dynasty"). Therefore, Japan has obtained a considerable amount of fiscal revenue from this process.
However, when Japan became a defeated country, Japan's compensation to China became an unclear "bad debt" that people could not understand from beginning to end.
For more than two decades from 1949 to 1972, Japan followed the ass of US imperialism, always took a hostile stance toward China, refused to have the slightest exchange with the mainland, and directly blocked the window for consultation.
In 1972, the new Japanese Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka took the lead and led more than 300 people, including Foreign Minister Masayoshi Ohira and Chief Cabinet Secretary Fujindo, to the mainland at noon on September 25, launching a short-term visit to China, breaking the calm and deadlock in the non-violent confrontation between China and Japan for more than two decades.
For the mainland, this engagement is a great opportunity to present post-war reparations to Japan. However, what happened next made many people feel confused.
During the entire visit of Tanaka Kakuei and others, Chairman Mao, Premier Zhou, and others treated them warmly. In a rather fierce tug-of-war of negotiations, Premier Zhou advocated the concept of seeking common ground while reserving differences in cooperation and guided the direction of negotiations; Chairman Mao said nothing about the issue of Japan's post-war compensation to stabilize the negotiation situation.
Shortly thereafter, China and Japan bypassed their previous hatred and established friendly diplomatic relations that year. From this moment on, the topic of Japan's post-war compensation quietly became history (government claims). If it were not for Premier Zhou's explanation, many people would not have known that this was chairman Mao's meaning.
The Chinese people fully support Chairman Mao's decision not to mention compensation and to make New China give up compensation. But even so, some hatred is still buried in the flesh and blood of the nation, and it is difficult to eliminate it for a while.
In September 1931, the greedy Japanese launched a war of aggression against China. In the 14 years since then, the Japanese army has created a total of tragic human tragedies such as the Nanjing Massacre and the Lushun Massacre that shocked China and foreign countries, as well as launched bacteriological warfare, chemical warfare, poison gas warfare and other dehumanizing biochemical warfare, resulting in a total of more than 35 million casualties of Chinese.
In addition to these, according to the statistics of "Losses Caused to China by Japan's War of Aggression against China", Japan's frenzied plundering of coal, iron ore, grain, forest resources, etc. on the mainland, as well as the ruthless destruction of enterprises, state and personal assets, has caused about 100 billion U.S. dollars in direct losses and more than 500 billion U.S. dollars in indirect losses.
In this regard, the new hatred and the old hatred, I don't know how many times the Japanese have to compensate the mainland to make up for it, so many people are still puzzled and grumpy about giving up compensation. Why, then, did Chairman Mao put aside this period of hatred and not ask Japan for compensation?
Later facts proved that the chairman's decision was quite wise, and Premier Zhou explained it and explained the reasons.
Distant relatives are inferior to close neighbors, and handling Asia-Pacific relations well is an important strategic decision for China to develop and gain a foothold in the world. Proceeding from this point of view, Chairman Mao and Premier Zhou are very much hoping to handle Sino-Japanese relations well.
However, due to many factors such as history, reality and national interests, China and Japan did not quickly establish diplomatic relations after World War II and have always been in a state of confrontation.
At that time or now, in terms of economy, politics, military and foreign policy, Japan was basically influenced by the United States, and it was previously said that Douglas MacArthur, the famous general of World War II, was Japan's "emperor too high".
Because of this, the United States has become the benchmark of Japan's China policy, and if the attitude of the United States changes, Japan will also change.
During World War II, the United States strongly supported the Kuomintang regime out of its own interests and had a friendly attitude toward China. However, with the establishment of New China, especially the decades-long Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union, the New China, which stood in the socialist camp, became one of the objects of exclusion by the United States, and the United States did not hesitate to frantically suppress and blockade New China.
From the late 1950s to the 1970s, Sino-Soviet relations deteriorated, and U.S.-Soviet relations underwent subtle changes.
In order to contain the Soviet Union, the United States, in line with the principle that "the enemy of the enemy is a friend," took the initiative to respond to the signal of "ping-pong diplomacy" sent by Chairman Mao and others, and abandoned the policy of suppressing China.
On February 21, 1972, in full bloom, US President Nixon arrived in Beijing with his wife and began a week-long visit to China, which was warmly received by Chairman Mao and Premier Zhou, which shocked the Soviet Union, Japan and the world and paid attention to it in real time.
Soon, after negotiations, China and the United States reached a consensus on February 28 and jointly issued the "Joint Communiqué", which once again shocked Japan, the Soviet Union and other countries.
From the moment the communiqué was issued, it meant that the United States recognized the "one-China" principle and supported the new Chinese regime, and Sino-US relations were improved as a result, paving the way for the subsequent establishment of diplomatic relations, and the two countries were frozen in warmth like this spring.
The normalization of Sino-US relations has made neighboring Japan and its Prime Minister Eisaku Sato feel awkward and uncomfortable.
Since taking office in 1964, Sato Eisaku has been obstructing the development of Sino-Japanese relations, vigorously advocating absurd remarks such as "two Chinas" and "the theory that the ownership of treasure islands is undecided," and blatantly interfering in the mainland's internal affairs.
Eisaku Sato's absurdity does not stop there, but today, he is also the one who has visited the Yasukuni Shrine the most of all Japanese prime ministers, reaching 11 times, which is extremely disliked.
Because of his personal position and various anti-peace and anti-China policies, Sato Eisaku naturally felt very uncomfortable with the changes between China and the United States after this exchange, and in addition to being shocked, he was also panicked.
In order to follow the big brother's ass in the United States, Sato Eisaku immediately adjusted his China policy and tried to soften the stiff relationship between the two countries. However, he will soon end his political career and will no longer have the opportunity to "make a meritorious career".
Even so, Sato Eisaku made some efforts to entrust the heavy responsibility of handling Sino-Japanese relations to the hands of Hashimoto Shu, head of the China Section of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, so that Hashimoto began to prepare for the normalization of Sino-Japanese diplomatic relations.
Premier Zhou asked senior diplomat Wang Guoquan to go to Japan to prepare to carry out "condolence diplomacy" while attending Matsumura Kenzo's funeral, and extensively contacted Japanese friendship groups and high-level officials with China, so as to promote the prelude to the normalization of Sino-Japanese diplomatic relations.
In view of Japanese Prime Minister Sato's consistent China policy, The Kingdom did not take the initiative to contact him for the time being. On the day of Matsumura's funeral, Sato also came to the scene and took the initiative to shake hands with Wang Guoquan to say hello.
After Sato handed over power, Kakuei Tanaka, who had just taken office, immediately made his attitude clear, believing that the most urgent task at the moment was to promote the normalization of Sino-Japanese diplomatic negotiations, actively carry out peaceful diplomacy, and "settle Sino-Japanese relations in one go."
Kakuei Tanaka represented the Government of Japan, and Premier Zhou responded quickly by affirming Tanaka Kakuei's attitude and ideas at a banquet for the delegation of the Republic of Yemen and welcoming it.
After more than twenty years of twists and turns, Chairman Mao and others naturally will not give up this opportunity, and although they have little expectation of Tanaka Kakuei, they are still more willing to have in-depth exchanges with them.
Premier Zhou's diplomatic charm was once again revealed, which made Tanaka Kakuei admire. After many "quarrels", Premier Zhou reached a consensus with Kakuei Tanaka, who said in the Sino-Japanese Joint Statement:
"The Japanese side deeply felt the responsibility of the Japanese state for causing heavy damage to the Chinese people in the past due to the war, and expressed profound reflection."
Seeing such results, Chairman Mao decided to receive Kakuei Tanaka and his entourage. Born in 1918, Kakuei Tanaka was a descendant of Chairman Mao, and he admired Chairman Mao very much before he became Japan's "Prime Minister of the Common People." Therefore, this very special meeting, there was a small episode in Tanaka Kakuei's body.
It is said that Chairman Mao was not in good health at the time, so the meeting time was arranged for 15 minutes. Despite being the prime minister of Japan, Kakuei Tanaka was quite nervous in his heart, and he went to the bathroom before seeing Chairman Mao.
Chairman Mao read countless people, expressed his understanding of Tanaka Kakuei's move, and laughed and said: "People always have three anxieties, we are not in a hurry to wait for him!" When Tanaka Kakuei appeared in front of Chairman Mao, he could not suppress his nervousness again, and his behavior was very restrained.
Chairman Mao fell generously, took the initiative to talk with Tanaka Kakuei, and used humorous and funny words to resolve embarrassment and narrow the distance between them. As for the negotiations between Tanaka Kakuei and Premier Zhou, Chairman Mao described it as "quarrelsome," which made Tanaka Kakuei can't help but laugh.
At the time of parting, Chairman Mao picked out the "Chu Ci" that had been treasured for many years from his "treasure house" and gave it as a gift to Tanaka Kakuei, who cherished it very much.
In the early 1970s, Japan had successfully emerged from the quagmire of World War II and transformed itself into the world's second largest economy, with a deep or shallow impact on the world.
Taking the 1970 gdp ranking of the world (except the Soviet Union, according to the exchange rate at that time) as an example, Japan ranked third with 212.609 billion US dollars, although it was behind Germany, but it did not affect Japan's position; because China's focus was rarely on the economy at that time, it ranked seventh in the world with a total GDP of 92.603 billion US dollars, and it was still a long way from Japan.
Based on these gaps, the Japanese can stand tall in front of China. However, judging from the scene when Tanaka Kakuei met Chairman Mao, China's influence in the Asian region was still very far-reaching, at least at that time, China was very intimidating to Japan, which made Tanaka Kakuei respectful and restrained.
In any case, Sino-Japanese cooperation is the long-term solution and will have a huge impact on Asia and even the world. Kakuei Tanaka's smooth visit to China and the smooth birth of the Sino-Japanese Joint Statement are a major achievement in the history of Sino-Japanese diplomacy and of landmark significance to Sino-Japanese relations.
On the other hand, Chairman Mao played a great role in promoting the normalization of Sino-Japanese relations, and it was his elderly family who single-handedly promoted this good thing.
The Sino-Japanese Joint Declaration has five major achievements:
1. Normalization of Sino-Japanese relations and formal establishment of diplomatic relations;
2. The Two Sides adhere to the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence;
3. Japan recognizes Taiwan as an inalienable part of China and adheres to the "one China" principle;
4. China waives its claim against Japan;
5. Trade cooperation between China and Japan.
Among them, for Japan's post-war affairs, China's initiative to abandon the claim is conspicuous, which is one of the important negotiation results of the Sino-Japanese Joint Statement.
Without Chairman Mao's support, Premier Zhou's reasoning and adherence to the principle of seeking common ground while reserving differences, the matter of "renouncing compensation to Japan" may be difficult to discuss, and the normalization of Sino-Japanese relations and the establishment of formal diplomatic relations will be delayed for some days. Therefore, both Chairman Mao and Premier Zhou made significant contributions to the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Japan.
So, why did Chairman Mao, Premier Zhou, and others give up demanding compensation from Japan, and what impact did this have on Sino-Japanese relations and China's development?
In a later answer, Premier Zhou told the truth, saying: "This was decided by Chairman Mao! ”
In the view of Chairman Mao and Premier Zhou, in the rather unequal treaties such as gengzi indemnities, all the suffering fell on the people, and it was a very unreasonable thing for the people to pay their pockets to fill the pockets of other countries.
Premier Zhou believes that although Japan is an invading country, its ordinary people are also victims of war, the country has just rebuilt from the ruins of war, and the economy has improved, but compensation will increase the taxes of the Japanese people.
The famous economist Keynes also denounced the issue of huge reparations after the war, citing the example of Germany, arguing that "transferring the sins of rulers or fathers to their children and grandchildren" and leaving the next generation in Germany "in a state of slavery" and affecting the living standards of hundreds of people is a "policy of depriving the whole country of happiness" .
According to article 11 of the Potsdam Proclamation, Japan is allowed to pay "industries in kind" except for "industries which may be rearmed for war".
This is the result of a major revision of the principle of reparations in the First World War, which, in addition to financial compensation, is also covered by compensation in kind such as industry.
At the beginning of Japan's surrender, both its colonies and its homeland were reduced to ruins, with few industrial assets and even more desperate funds, making it difficult to pay compensation in a timely manner.
Nevertheless, the compensation is also compensated. Edwin P. W. Paulay was ordered by Truman to serve as the president's special envoy and the chief representative of the United States side of the Allied Compensation Commission, and began to take full responsibility for Japan's compensation matters.
After more than two years of statistics, Paulay and the "Compensation Investigation Commission" concluded that Japan should pay $21.6 billion in compensation to the mainland.
Without money, Japan complied with the potsdam proclamation and first compensated the mainland in kind. According to the calculation, its total value is only $22 million, which is less than a dime of the total amount of compensation.
After the defeat of Chiang Kai-shek, the United States suppressed New China, and naturally did not support New China on issues such as Compensation by Japan. In addition, relations between China and Japan have not yet been normalized, and compensation matters cannot be discussed for more than two decades.
In 1952, Chiang signed an agreement with Japan privately, waiving his right to claim compensation against Japan. Although he did not represent China, he had a profound influence on the policies of Chairman Mao and others later.
Although Japan caused a deep disaster to the mainland during World War II, in the end, they only compensated 22 million US dollars worth of goods, which was neither sincere nor able to let the Chinese people swallow this breath.
But in other words, the mandatory demand for compensation from Japan may not be able to achieve the wish, but it is better to give up.
From Japan's defeat to 1972, there was a gap of nearly 27 years. The real period of compensation in Japan was from 1946 to May 13, 1949, when the Allied headquarters issued an order to cancel all demolition plans and the compensation in kind was stopped.
From this point of view, until 1972, there was no good contact matter, and the time was far apart, and it was difficult to ask Japan for post-war compensation.
More importantly, compensation seems to have become an obstacle to the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Japan, and must be dealt with and selected in a timely manner.
After Japan recognized New China as the sole legitimate government and adhered to the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence of the One China Principle, even if it showed sincerity, Chairman Mao and others were not too embarrassed.
In addition to his attitude, Tanaka Kakuei also gave New China a big gift, that is, promised to give the mainland a $20 billion low-interest loan.
With this payment, Japan has become an important boost to China's development. Chairman Mao's farsightedness lies here, first, to use the funds obtained for infrastructure construction, and second, to create conditions for later economic construction.
Economic development is always at the heart of a country. Due to the different perspectives of development, by 1974, Japan's economy had been on the rise from 1945 to 1973, with a GDP growth rate of more than 9%, which was a very well developed country in Asia, and we could only move forward slowly.
We don't expect anything from Japan, but economic exchanges and cooperation with them will have an important impact on the country. Sure enough, Chairman Mao and others' decision to renounce compensation was very far-sighted.
Many researchers believe that the Chinese government's abandonment of compensation is an important factor in the smooth completion of the normalization of Sino-Japanese diplomatic relations.
At that time, the Japanese government was very worried about this, believing that if the Chinese government insisted on compensation, it would deal a heavy blow to Japan, and they preferred to delay the establishment of exchanges. However, Chairman Mao and Premier Zhou made the decision to give up compensation after comprehensive consideration, which was not as "stingy" as Japan thought.
There is actually disagreement over the renunciation of compensation. In the eyes of the Japanese government, China has abandoned government claims and private claims. However, Chairman Mao and others only gave up the government's claims, did not promise the people to claim compensation from the Japanese government, and did not interfere with the needs of the people.
In 2007, the occurrence of a claim by Chinese workers against Xisong Construction Company fully reflected the differences. The same case, the judgment of the Suwon District Court of South Korea against Japanese companies last year, is also a typical example of private litigation against the Japanese government, which falls within the scope of private claims.
From this point of view, the state does not ask Japan for compensation, but it seems that the private sector can do so. The only concern now is whether the demands will be granted if japan is not claimed for post-war compensation in the capacity of the government. Will this path work? The unity of the people and the efforts of the group are still needed.
Chairman Mao and other great first-generation leaders did not block the road, and the "Sino-Japanese Joint Declaration" was only an external statement by the senior leaders of China and Japan, and it did not have legal effects.
Therefore, the people should continue to make Japan pay the price for provoking war.
epilogue:
The mention of the claim by Chairman Mao during Kakuei Tanaka's visit to China, as well as the commitment to "waive the claim" expressed in the Sino-Japanese Joint Declaration, mainly represent the attitude of the new Chinese government, not the attitude of the people. Prior to this, Chiang Kai-shek had given up compensation, and asking for compensation had formed an important obstacle to the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Japan and Sino-Japanese cooperation, and it was difficult to ask Japan for compensation again, so Chairman Mao and others made a bold decision to abandon the claim. Of course, this does not mean that the Chinese people cannot claim compensation from the Japanese government, the relevant demands still need to be expressed, and Japan must pay for its war.