The most staunch supporters of the Republican party's protection policies are in the eastern industrial zone. There is a concentration of most of the wealth of American manufacturing. The benefits that can be generated by the main agricultural products in the west are very limited, and they are basically the same as the original output of cotton crops in the south. Even in Republican-administered areas, the benefits of trade protection have been called into question. The Grange states and prairie states were also largely governed by republicans. In the 1880s, as was the case with cotton in the South, the Grinnich and Prairie states experienced falling maize and wheat prices and were encouraged to accept proposals for tariff reform. In 1887, President Stephen Grover Cleveland issued a message that profoundly affected these states. From 1888 to 1889, various state documents were transferred to the revision of tariff policy, and peasant associations and agricultural journals condemned trade protectionist policies. Republican leaders, sensing the discontent of public opinion, quelled this discontent by implementing the McKinley Tariff Act's related agricultural programs, but from 1889 to 1890, discontent increased in most agricultural areas.
Cotton pickers
Southern farmers, directly affected by falling cotton prices, felt as if their disgust at protective tariffs had been passed down from generation to generation. They cannot believe which political party will work for their benefit. In the 1880s, the main issues of political parties had little to do with the problems they faced. Southern peasants were not interested in the reform of the civil service system, because the reform of the civil service system recognized and attached importance to professionalism, which was the product of social differentiation. They are accustomed to a variety of work, and know almost nothing about the management of the government, but think that the government should distribute official positions. Almost all American farmers have this view.
Southern peasants were also not interested in the pension system and tended to criticize it. The Fourteenth Amendment strongly denied all of the Confederacy's debts and forced Southern veterans to pay taxes, but excluded the southern veterans as a benefit for federal veterans. Southern farmers, though they could not find a spokesman in their own party, were unlikely to switch to the Republican Party.
In the north, agriculture continues to be sluggish and farmers are miserable. Farmland in many areas is almost deserted. People began to pay attention to scientific farming, but rarely put it into practice. Advances in modes of transport have made the fertile new land in the west a competitor of the eastern land in the urban market. Cattle raised in the plains are shipped to Kansas City or Chicago for slaughter and then listed for sale in New York and Philadelphia. The high-quality fruits produced in the west compete with the ordinary fruits produced in the east. Here, as in the South, peasants noticed that parties were squabbling over manufacturing-related issues and did not care at all about peasant issues.
Color cotton workers in the southern United States
The peasants in the west were most dissatisfied. No region has such a unified situation in such a vast land as in the west. The Grange states have witnessed how such intense discontent can influence political decision-making. In the late 1880s, in new areas of Missouri and western Iowa, railroads stimulated migration to settle around reclaimable prairies. Around 1885, Texas, Kansas, Colorado, and Dakota began to flourish, prompting new farmland to be reclaimed in areas that were not suitable for cultivation in ordinary years. Only blind optimists would believe that the semi-humid grassland climate would change. Crop cultivation stretches westward to the Rocky Mountains when the year is good, and even eastern Kansas faces drought when the year is bad.
Railroad companies attracted new immigrants to settle along the railway lines for profit, and their speculation was more cautious. The smooth weather of the past few years has also helped the railway company, allowing new immigrants to open up the grassland as a place of residence or barn land. At the same time, the quality of migrants is uneven, adding to the destabilizing factors of society.
In the early days of the westward expansion movement, immigrants were already distributed in various frontier areas. They were mainly former occupiers of the frontier and understood what kind of climate and conditions were suitable for the development of agriculture. The further west they shifted, the easier the railroad companies provided attracted fewer peasants to migrate to the plains. Some of them are amateur farmers, while others are well aware of the different types of farming. People who have to face new situations are less likely to succeed than previous pioneers.
In the 1880s, precipitation in the U.S. frontier was extremely unstable, making it difficult for farmers trying to cultivate their land here. At the same time, the situation around migrant settlements is not optimistic. Transportation is as vital to life there as it is to the States of Grange, but it is almost out of control. The Interstate Commerce Act of 1887 did not immediately play a significant role. Negative factors such as discrimination, unreasonable pricing and excessive investment still affect the development of the western region. In 1885 and 1886, the ILO strike movement in the west added new obstacles to peasants who needed constant training. The anti-railroad movement was sprouting everywhere.
In the new frontiers of the United States, the emergence of anti-corporate movements is justified. The inhabitants there could only produce agricultural primary products and had to buy the necessities of life from distant places. The contrast between high day-to-day expenses and low incomes made them struggling and gradually became an audience for antitrust demagogues.
Like many frontier regions, the new frontier regions developed on loans. The Pioneers relied on borrowing, and were hopeful and speculative about it. By borrowing money, they have built towns and railways far beyond what is needed. And the heavy debt they carry can only be paid off after a long period of prosperity.
The pioneers, incited by inflation theory, changed their previous views. The green-backed banknotes have begun to inflate. Since the resumption of coin payments in 1879, the green-backed paper money has become nothing more than an unfounded political threat with few supporters. The Greenback Paper Money Party stands with laborers and antitrust activists. In 1880 and 1884, they nominated James Baird Weaver and Benjamin Franklin Butler as candidates, respectively. However, even among inflationists, not many people voted for them. The new era of inflation was much more interesting than the era of green-backed paper money, and also led to a surge in calls for free silver coinage.
$5 green note
Among the many appeals of farmers in the west, the biggest problem is to repay the debt. Among them, the most commonly heard is the demand for more cheap money to be issued. Although the peasants in the east had little debt burden, they knew that the more money they issued, the higher the price, and they believed that it would lead to higher profits. Southern farmers were heavily indebted, but did not consider immediate and long-term development issues, because they often mortgaged their crops in advance and let the rural shopkeepers pay for them. They are also very interested in inflation and see it as a common remedy. After the Passage of the Brand-Allison Act in 1878, farmers in all parts of the United States urged political parties to advance the process of free minting of silver coins. As the price of silver fell, the profits that silver inflation could bring increased accordingly, and farmers joined the ranks of silver miners.
In Montana, Idaho, Colorado, Utah, Nevada, Arizona and California, silver has always been one of the most important industries. In most parts of the west, silver ore is also highly valued. After 1873, due to the decline in the value of silver ore, silver mine owners and eastern manufacturers unanimously demanded help and protection from the government. They wanted to get the "protection" they needed by resuming silver coin payments, requiring Congress to use all silver for coinage and to list silver as the same monetary base as gold. In terms of remedies, the silver miners were an ally of peasant inflationists, but neither side realized their true purpose. Miners wanted the government to allow the free minting of silver coins to raise the price of silver and thus make more profits; farmers wanted to increase the amount of money in circulation to reduce the value of money. If one side's predictions about the outcome of the free minted silver coins are correct, the other is doomed to disappointment. But throughout the 1880s, the common demands of both sides were repeatedly reiterated. In good times, the demands were not too intense, but any blow to the prosperity or credibility of the West could spur a new movement among disgruntled.
In 1889, with insufficient precipitation, crop failures, and a crisis, discontent in the West began to affect the political sphere. In 1889, the Arkansas Valley, with an average of eighteen inches of precipitation, had a total of only thirteen inches of precipitation. Since 1869, General Nelson Appleton Miles had been chasing Indians hostile to the Americans on the plains. He saw new villages stretching out miles and miles into the periphery, as well as the terrible consequences of the drought. Of what happened to the peasants in the west, he prophesied: "First endure, then mortgage, then foreclose, until finally complete expulsion." "If the impending bad conditions continue for years, no one can predict what will happen after that." "By the early 1880s, those impressive promises had become empty talk, all towns, counties and counties had been abandoned, and farmers had to turn to the government for help.
After the drastic changes in the west, political parties were criticized for their dishonesty with the people. Political parties are widely seen as not keeping their promises, while the U.S. government only fights for the benefit of those who are already being treated preferentially. Disgruntled peasants naturally choose to turn to the agricultural organizations that already exist, and, like Grundig's members, shift their choices to political ends.
Since the climax of the Grande movement, there have been various associations and alliances that have wandered between the peasants and their organizations to win votes. After striking the railways, Gränchi continued to develop as a social and economic bond. Farmers' organizations such as the American Farmers' Federation and Agricultural Dynamics have emerged. The great success of the Knights of Labor and the American Federation of Labor has spurred the emergence of many imitative organizations in the United States, but these imitative movements have not been successful. The profits that can be made from farming are still considerable, and they do not give these organizations enough room for development. In times of prosperity, peasants were individualists. An article about U.S. farmers describes a new farmer's activity, reflecting the farmers' desire to constantly compete for cooperative advantages at the time.
In the 1880s, the largest peasant organization was a loosely organized union of agricultural societies, the Farmers' Union, which reflected the specific conditions of the West and the South. In 1888, the peasant union received attention in the South with a "rapid growth" trend, but "only by chance it became politically important". Since 1885, the Farmers' Union has become active in Dakota, buying insurance for fire and hail disasters for its members and having a purchasing department and an elevator company. In Texas, the Farmers' Union also owns cotton and wool processing plants. Through the organization, farmers speak out for their common cause. In 1890, as the goals broadened, the Peasants' Union was merged into the People's Party. In the summer of 1890, in Kansas, the peasant movement broke the boundaries between the two old parties and achieved such success that the movement's initiators thought a new party was born.
Flag of the Farmers' Union
In 1889, the years were difficult, and the dissatisfaction of the peasants rose, which attracted the attention of all parties. It was just that at the time, there was no way to measure the extent of their dissatisfaction. It wasn't until after the passage of the McKinley Tariff Act, when Congress adjourned and its members returned to the states to prepare for congressional elections in 1890, that the bill became a major issue before it. In 1888, the campaign reflected a so-called universal need for trade protection, but it was only supported by a few votes. The tariff issue and the channels through which the tariff bill passed were used by Democrats and farmers' unions as a basis for opposition to Congress.
Soon after the tariff bill was passed, the campaign began. People haven't even had time to see its real impact. Opponents have analyzed the possible negative effects it could have, but the tariff bill has not been refuted. Before the 1888 and 1892 elections, pro-Republican manufacturers threatened workers with the idea of closing their doors if free traders won. This time, the situation turned around and manufacturers began to promise them high returns.
In the process of drawing up the plan, various corruption phenomena have led to the emergence of an influential view throughout the West. Even in the East, tariff reformers claim that some are overly cared for by profit; manufacturers are getting more protection by giving them immunity by donating to Matthew Stanley Kway's campaign fund. Farmers find these allegations plausible but unprovable because they tend to think that the two major political parties are selfishly using government power for the benefit of politicians.
In every state, Republican candidates have had to contend with this anger and various problems on the ground. Thomas Bractor Reid of Maine encountered these problems and received a majority of the votes with support from those in need of protection. In Ohio, William McKinley lost his position, partly because of the strong antipathy of the people of the state toward him, but more because the Democratic Party, which controlled the state legislature, changed his constituency for the benefit of the party to oppose his re-election. Joseph Gurney Cannon of Illinois, who has served nine consecutive terms and is about to enter a tenth term or more, has now lost his position. Robert Marion Lafflet of Wisconsin was highly regarded by protectionists, but an educational problem in the state brought his promising career to an early end. Pennsylvania is inherently protectionist, and its Democratic former gov. Robert Emory Pattison was re-elected for opposing the Matthew Stanley Kway group.
In the east, Democrats defeated Republicans. In the West, peasant alliances gradually weakened the foundations of the Republican Party. In Kansas and Nebraska, the Farmers' Union controlled the end result, bringing its members to Washington and giving the Kansas Legislature its first BJP senator. With the support of Democrats and farmers' unions, several states managed to win votes from party coalitions. In the South, democrats found that the move helped it win the nomination — because the real Southern campaign was fought within the Democratic Party, not a referendum — and insisted that democrats had been farmers before and now.
The results of the congressional election show the trend of events. Republicans are in all houses of the Fifty-first Congress with a majority. In 1890, the newly elected Fifty-second Congress lost the support of a majority of proponents of high tariffs in the House. Only eighty-eight Republicans were elected to the Congress, but two hundred and thirty-six Democrats and eight members of the Peasant Union were elected. Republicans retained the original Senate lineup because the newly admitted states of Idaho and Wyoming were "nominally elected districts."
The most crucial factor in the Democratic Party's overwhelming victory was tariffs, but in large part because tariffs were a flashpoint in a decade of grievances. The ruling party was punished because during its time in power, everything did not go well: trusts grew wildly, labor anxieties, prices fell, scandals on public land and pension authorities were exposed from time to time, and lack of precipitation led to shrinking plains. In the new House of Representatives, Charles Frederick Crisp of Georgia was elected Speaker. The second half of President Benjamin Harrison's term came to a calm end. Americans have too much speculation about the future of the Farmers Union. Six months after the campaign, the Cincinnati convention tried to unite the Forces nouvelles to form the third most important political party in the United States.
The goal of the BJP's initiators was to unite the Knights of Labor and the Peasants' Union politically. They want to rescue the people in the middle of nowhere and gain control of the government. Before the next presidential term arrives, they have plenty of time to organize the reform movement.
In 1890, the United States began to feel the influence of communications agencies in dismantling localism and introducing comparative experience. If the pre-war generation survives to the present, it will find that the ideas they cherish have gradually disappeared. In all areas of public life, administration, literature and even religion, the old order has been swept away. The United States has become a nation, and this process cannot be stopped. Even the Congregational Church, where diocese autonomy is important, seems well suited to the formation of a national council. Every important trade activity belongs to this country, and the only force that retains the original localism is the law, which now must face the new order. From any perspective, trust issues are the result of loopholes in the legal system, leaving a huge "gray area" between local power and state behavior in the states. But as a country, it has developed and is beginning to exert its capabilities. The control of railways, immigration and labour, agricultural experiments, irrigation and reclamation of land are just a few of the areas that have changed the new railways, along with new administrative institutions and evolving concepts of official appointments such as good governance and tenure systems. Those who want state governments to remain the center of gravity of political power are behind the times.
Native literature in the United States gradually increased. Charles Dickens also witnessed the birth of a new literary genre in 1868, with works such as Lucky Men of Roaring Camp and The Banished People of Poker Beach. Before 1890, the author of these works, Brett Hart, had already gained fame. Samuel Lanchen Clement also witnessed the growth of native American literature and used his own strength to open up the field. In the 1880s, the New England genre emerged, represented by Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, Oliver Wendell Holmes Sr., and James Russell Lowell. But they lack a bit of American flavor compared to the young writers who wrote about frontier themes at the same time. Works such as The Adventures of Tom Sawyer, The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, and The Yankees of Connecticut in art are both life and art. In 1885, another writer of this era, William Dean Howells, published The Beginnings of Serras Rapam, depicting a completely different new social class. The popularity of Little Lord Fochtrerie proves that American readers expect more than the lives depicted in the book.
Samuel Langham Clement (Mark Twain)
In 1890, pure literature began to pay more and more attention to American themes, using literary means to explore the root causes of various social problems that Americans were struggling to pursue. Henry George's work, especially Progress and Poverty, made him famous over the course of six years. By 1885, these works had "formed a noteworthy new era in the history of economic thought." The utopian legend of Edward Bellamy was a great success and a testament to the reader's thirst for literature. Francis Parkman and George Bancroft, the older generation, and Henry Adams, John Bach McMaster, and James Ford Rhodes of the younger generation illustrate the situation in the United States through historical avenues. Economics, sociology, and political science all began to have literary works in their respective fields. The last and strongest impact on these areas came from James Bryce's thought-provoking United States of America.
In terms of journals, Americans' increasingly high aesthetic standards have supported the development of magazines into a wider field. The North American Review, a well-known and established magazine in the United States, remains a front for political discussion. In 1890, the magazine published an in-depth discussion by William Jurt Gladstone and James Gillespie Bryan on the benefits of protective tariffs. Harper Monthly and Atlantic employed leading figures in American literature since the Civil War. In the 1860s, Leslie And Harper's illustrated news and took their place in periodicals. As the main religious newspaper in the United States, The Independents enjoyed their place. The Nation appeared as a critical journal. Scribner Magazine and Century were later added to the list of monthly magazines, which featured memoirs of important Civil War battles and leaders, as well as biographies of John George Nicholas and John Milton Hay for Lincoln. The development of the finder and illustration and the ease with which news was collected and distributed enabled journals to spread throughout the United States more quickly.
In its own way, journals have gained a place in the hearts of former newspapers in the hearts of American readers. With the death of the great editors of the Horace Greeley era, the era of newspapers as platforms for expressing personal opinions is over. The younger generation of editors use newspapers as a means of investment rather than a tool of journalism. Commercial advertising uses newspaper media to approach customers. News material is being collected more quickly and more abundantly, but newspapers are expressing fewer and fewer opinions. Newspapers buy news from syndicated businesses and societies like paper and ink. Under such a management system, the accounting office has a higher status than the newsroom.
The essential changes in American life are presented through new literature, while life underwent a process of reshaping under the influence of nationalization, and the contact area of religion is no longer narrow. Of its kind, the religious novel Robert Ellesmere was perhaps the most read. The competition between orthodoxy and new criticism has caused professional theologians to spiral out of control and penetrate among mortals. In terms of text, the Old Testament and the Revised New Testament give theology a new basis for discussion. The popular science work of Charles Robert Darwin and his school influenced the religious sphere and forced it to change the wording of religious views. Now, it is more common to get people to accept religious ideas through scientific means. As competition deepened, the popularity of the Orthodox Church was not affected. Protestants began to preach new religions, as they had done before in the United States.
The largest of the new religions is that of Ms. Mary Baker Eddie, whose teachings may be a religious instrument in parallel with the BJP's political revolution. The advent of the Christian Scientology made the Puritan "vertebrate Jehovah" more acceptable. It is the product of the development of a prosperous society, presenting itself to ordinary people in the image of a "healing religion".
In 1890, intellectual, spiritual, economic, and political revolutions were widespread in the United States. After the Industrial Revolution of the past decade, their emergence was inevitable. Once again, the United States became one. The South suffered the worst of war and social reorganization, and once again developed in an independent manner. The problem that the United States needs to face now is the political impact of revolution.